JAMB Government 2014
Questions & Answers

One might mistakenly point to corruption and ethnicity or election malpractices, but those are largely post-independence internal political challenges rather than foundational anti-colonial catalysts. Looking at historical drivers, racial discrimination and oppression under foreign rule deeply alienated the local population, serving as a unifying force that sparked Nigerian nationalism. Common mistake: Blaming internal post-colonial issues instead of colonial racial oppression for the rise of early nationalism.

An examinee could incorrectly choose the Richards or Lyttleton Constitutions, which came later and introduced different regional structures. The Clifford Constitution of 1922 was specifically enacted to provide legislative governance for the Lagos Colony and the Southern Provinces, while also bringing in the elective principle. Common mistake: Conflating the Clifford Constitution with later constitutional milestones in Nigerian history.

A student might think that judicial tenure depends on executive appointments or political backing from bodies like the Nigerian Bar Association. Constitutional provisions dictate that judges in Nigeria maintain their security of tenure purely on the condition of good behaviour, which safeguards their independence. Common mistake: Believing that judicial security relies on political allegiance rather than professional conduct.

One might naturally assume the Supreme Court was always the ultimate authority, mirroring the current judicial hierarchy. Prior to 1963, however, legal cases could be escalated past local structures to the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council located in Britain. Common mistake: Assuming the current domestic supreme judicial structure has existed unchanged since colonial times.

An examinee might question traffic control or the prosecution of criminals, assuming those fall outside standard law enforcement duties. The actual creation of laws is exclusively reserved for the legislative branch of government, whereas the police force handles order maintenance, arrests, and traffic management. Common mistake: Confusing the law-making duties of the legislature with the enforcement duties of the police.

A student could mistakenly choose the Supreme Court, thinking it holds absolute jurisdiction over all matters without exception. For matters specific to Islamic personal law in Nigeria, the Sharia Court of Appeal functions as the highest judicial authority. Common mistake: Overlooking specialized appellate courts in favor of the general federal supreme court.

Students might lean toward options like Chief S.L. Akintola due to his prominent political involvement in the Western Region during that era. Looking at the situation, Dr. M.A. Majekodunmi was chosen by the federal administration to manage the affairs of the Western Region as its administrator during the 1962 political crisis. Common mistake: confusing the actual regional political actors with the federally appointed emergency administrator.

One might mistakenly guess that an executive president held power, assuming all strong state heads function like modern executive presidents. During Nigeria’s First Republic, executive authority rested with the prime minister, leaving the head of state to serve in a nominal, ceremonial capacity as president. Common mistake: assuming the head of state always exercises direct executive control in parliamentary systems.

A student might incorrectly select the NCNC and NEPU group, confusing regional ruling partnerships with opposition alignments. The Action Group (AG) and the United Middle Belt Congress (UMBC) together constituted the opposition inside the House of Representatives during the First Republic. Common mistake: mixing up which political parties partnered for governance versus those that sat on the opposition benches.

An incorrect choice like more attractive financially might seem plausible because salary reviews are common parts of public sector overhauls. The Udoji Commission was primarily established to drive structural and remuneration reforms designed to render the Nigerian public service more efficient and result-oriented. Common mistake: reducing wide-ranging institutional reforms down solely to salary adjustments.

Students could mistakenly think local governments depend mostly on rates and taxes because those are locally generated collections. In reality, statutory allocations originating from the Federation Account ensure that local governments in Nigeria receive the bulk of their financial resources directly from the federal government. Common mistake: overestimating the revenue generated internally through local taxes compared to central government disbursements.

A test-taker might guess that the chief is elected by the council because traditional councils involve collective deliberation. The designation 'Chief-in-Council' establishes that the Chief acts as the head working alongside a council, which makes the Chief superior to the council while still engaging in consultation. Common mistake: misinterpreting consultative council structures as meaning the chief lacks any superior authority.

It is easy to assume traditional rulers retained executive powers due to their historical influence in local administration. The 1976 Local Government Reforms stripped away much of that authority, reducing traditional rulers to largely ceremonial roles possessing limited powers. Common mistake: failing to recognize the major reduction in traditional rulers' political authority brought by the 1976 reforms.

One might pause on options like OPEC or the Commonwealth, forgetting which nations belong to global organizations. Nigeria maintains membership in economic and regional bodies, but it does not belong to NATO, a military alliance restricted primarily to North American and European countries. Common mistake: confusing global economic or political alliances with North Atlantic military pacts.

A student might be drawn toward the unity of African States, viewing broader unity as the ultimate goal of anti-colonial campaigns. The primary historical achievement delivered by the nationalist movement was securing the sovereignty of most African states, successfully ending foreign colonial rule. Common mistake: confusing the broader ideological goal of continental unity with the concrete achievement of national sovereignty.

Options like Lagos or Accra might seem tempting given their regional prominence in West African politics. The administrative headquarters of the Organization of African Unity (O.A.U.), which is now known as the African Union, is permanently located in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. Common mistake: mixing up the headquarters of continental bodies with major national capitals in West Africa.

A student could mistakenly select regional economic bodies like ECOWAS or the E.E.C. due to unfamiliarity with global organizational hierarchies. The World Health Organization (WHO) operates as a specialized agency of the United Nations, directing its efforts toward global health issues. Common mistake: confusing specialized United Nations agencies with regional economic communities.

One might mistakenly pick the General Assembly because it is the most visible, widely discussed organ of the global body. The Security Council serves as the specific UN organ tasked with maintaining international peace and security, backed by powers to enact sanctions and authorize military actions. Common mistake: attributing executive security enforcement powers to the deliberative General Assembly.

A test-taker might mix up various post-independence political figures, such as including Jean Bokassa, who did not share this founding role. Julius Nyerere, Kwame Nkrumah, and Haile Selassie stand out as the key leaders who actively championed African unity and formed the O.A.U. in 1963. Common mistake: attributing the establishment of the O.A.U. to unrelated or later-era African leaders.

An option like reducing the risk of another civil war might look attractive given Nigeria's complex political history. Creating additional states primarily achieves the goal of bringing government closer to the people through decentralized power structures that address local needs more effectively. Common mistake: confusing conflict prevention measures with the administrative benefits of decentralization and state creation.